Grave News in the Capital
Historians dealing with the period in question, that of the Muromachi era, would be very familiar with two indispensable resources that detail life at the time; the Kanmon Nikki (看聞日記) and the Mansai Jūgō Nikki (満済准后日記). It goes without saying that without these resources at hand, it would be nigh on impossible to describe what happened next with regard to events on Tsushima. The scene now shifts from Tsushima to the capital of Kyoto. The description of events that took place during the attack on Tsushima were compiled using a Korean source, the “True Record of the Kingdom of Chôsen” (朝鮮王朝実録), however in order to appreciate how news of the clash on Tsushima was received in the capital, we shall now rely on the descriptions provided by the above diaries. (17)
To begin with, we shall take a look at the Mansai Jūgō Nikki. This diary was written by the monk Mansai (満済) of the Sanbōin of Daigoji temple (醍醐寺) (1378 – 1435), located just to the south of the capital. At the time Mansai was 42 years old. He served as a guardian and tutor to three generations of shogun to the Muromachi Bakufu, namely Yoshimitsu, Yoshimochi, and Yoshinori. In his later years he would assume responsibility for resolving matters of state, and would become known as the “Chancellor in Black” (黒衣の宰相). His diary, when compared to the Kanmon Nikki, is more curt and restrained in length and tone, yet without it we would have no way of knowing the type of secret information available to the Bakufu or possess such information in abundance. Hence the historical value of this diary is second to none in contributing to our understanding of the political history of the Muromachi Bakufu. (18)
On the 7th day of the 8th month, roughly one month after the events in Tsushima, a letter arrived at the Bakufu Gosho (御所) addressed to Mansai from Shoni Mitsusada (少弐満貞) of Kyushu detailing the incident. Mansai’s diary contains some rather surprising quotes taken from Mitsusada’s letter, the content of which deserves to be relayed in full; (18)
“A Mongol vanguard fleet of more than 500 ships made their way into the bays of Tsushima island. My vassal on the island, Sō Saemon, together with over 700 mounted warriors, rode out to meet them and engaged them in a number of battles. On the 26th day of the 6th month the fighting continued until sundown, whereupon the foreign soldiers were defeated. It is said that almost all of them were either killed or taken prisoner. Two of the foreign generals were captured, and from them we obtained a range of important information. According to the captured generals, the 500 or so vessels all belonged to the Kingdom of Korei. Some 20,000 or more Chinese vessels were meant to make landfall on Japanese soil on the 6th of the 6th month, but as a result of strong winds that appeared that day, the Chinese vessels were forced to retreat, whereupon they sank into the ocean. It appears that a number of unusual events took place during the conflict. The spirit of Sugawara no Michizane appeared, and I have heard that a number of miracles took place.” (18-19)
It is fairly obvious that by exaggerating the number of vessels sighted off the island, and referring to Saemon as being a “vassal”, Shōni Mitsusada was using this incident as a means to promote his own prowess. Furthermore, the fact that the army of Koreans was merely a vanguard, and that there was an armada of over 20,000 Chinese vessels behind them, all pointed towards this being a plan conceived by the “Mongols” to suppress Japan, despite the complete lack of evidence to reinforce such a view. The fact that the invasion fleet had been defeated by a combination of “strong winds” and the ghost of Sugawara no Michizane was little more than an exaggeration to reinforce the Kamakura era image of these “foreign pirates”. (19)
Memories of the Mongol Invasions
Nearly 150 years had passed since the Mongol Empire had twice attempted to invade Japan. What is more, the Yuan dynasty that had spurred the invasion had disappeared a half century before the events at Tsushima. Nonetheless, the news that arrived at the heart of the Muromachi Bakufu a month after the invasion had referred to it as an attack by the “Mongols”. For Mansai, who had received the news, he appeared to have been inclined to believe it in full. In his diary he recorded his thoughts, which were quite innocent in their praise…”Though much is unknown this cannot be ignored. I have heard that in shrines across the country, various miracles preceded these events. Is this not indeed wonderful?” (20)
It would not have been impossible for someone like Mansai to accept the content of the letter from the Shōni as the truth. At the time, reports were that a number of unusual “sightings” had been made at shrines throughout the capital. Mansai’s diary notes that on the 6th of the 6th month, “irregularities” had taken place at the Great Shrine at Izumo (出雲大社) and Kamo shrine (賀茂神社) in the capital. “Shaking” had been felt at the Nangū shrine in Mino province, while there had been landslides at Kibune shrine (貴船神社) in Kyoto, among other odd events. On the 2nd day of the 7th month, Mansai himself had prayed for the “defeat of the foreigners” (異国調伏). On the 19th day of the same month, Mansai heard of a young girl at the Atsuda shrine in Owari province becoming an oracle of the gods, all of whom had assembled from Ise and Hachiman shrines in front of Atsuda shrine in order to give notice on how to defend against the “coming of the foreigners”. (20)
Even since the attempted invasion by the Mongols during the Kamakura era, medieval society, when confronted with the possibility of war with foreign powers, restored lands that had previously belonged to shrines and rebuilt shrine buildings in order to encourage the gods to recover their divine power. The shrines at the time would insist on their “divinity” and “irregular occurrences” in order to win further concessions from both the Bakufu and the court, so much so that across the nation suddenly shrines were sending reports of “strange events” that had taken place within their grounds. For shrines, which had access to this information far earlier than any other entity, such events provided an opportunity for them to expand their authority. Hence by the time the letter from the Shōni arrived in Mansai’s hands, the streets of the capital were rife with unsettling news that the religious institutions were doing their best to either exaggerate or encourage. (21)
The very abruptness of the use of the name “Mongol” may seem somewhat out of place to us, however to the people at the time it was very much a relevant term. Nowadays we can easily refer to a timeline which will tell us that the Mongols attempted two invasions of Japan, one in Bunei 11 (文永十一年, or 1274) and another in Kōan 4 (弘安四年, or 1281), yet Kublai Khan was believed to have never abandoned plans for a third attempt at conquering Japan. In order to meet this potential threat, the Kamakura Bakufu embarked on a program to strengthen the coastal defences and maintained a strict vigilance with regard to foreign threats, a stance that lasted until the downfall of the Bakufu. Even after the disappearance of the Bakufu, rumours circulated within Japan from time to time of a Mongol attack on Japan. (21)
The establishment of the Muromachi Bakufu did not put an end to such rumours, for in the 5th month of the 1st year of Ōan (応安元年, or 1368), the Goku Maiki (後愚昧記) records just such a story. In the 3rd month of the 4th year of Bunan (文安四年, or 1447), the Kennai Ki (建内記) confirms yet another rumour of a Mongol attack. Even the Kamakura Kubō, located in the east of the country, feared a return of the Mongols. On the 3rd day of the 3rd month of every year, at Yuigahama in the town of Kamakura, a dog hunting festival was held in order to pray for an expulsion of the Mongols (蒙古退治の御祈禱). What this shows is that even for the people of the Muromachi era, the memory of the Mongols was still fresh. Even without the benefit of a timeline, the image of the Mongols had not vanished, and that there still existed a fear among the Japanese that the Mongols were merely waiting for an opportunity to launch another attack on Japan. (22)
Even now, the phrase “mukori kokuri – ムコリコクリ, which is derived from the Japanese words for Mongol, ‘Mōko’ (蒙古) and Korean, ‘Kokurei’ (高句麗)” refers to something whose true nature is unknown. This phrase, which originated in western Japan, is now used across the nation. In the novel “Black Rain” written by Ibuse Masuji, the people of Hiroshima, upon seeing the unusual mushroom cloud created by an atomic bomb, refer to it as the “mukori kokuri cloud”. Such was the trauma created by the Mongol invasions during the Kamakura era that its legacy echoed on down the ages in language that reflected such fear. (22)
Historians dealing with the period in question, that of the Muromachi era, would be very familiar with two indispensable resources that detail life at the time; the Kanmon Nikki (看聞日記) and the Mansai Jūgō Nikki (満済准后日記). It goes without saying that without these resources at hand, it would be nigh on impossible to describe what happened next with regard to events on Tsushima. The scene now shifts from Tsushima to the capital of Kyoto. The description of events that took place during the attack on Tsushima were compiled using a Korean source, the “True Record of the Kingdom of Chôsen” (朝鮮王朝実録), however in order to appreciate how news of the clash on Tsushima was received in the capital, we shall now rely on the descriptions provided by the above diaries. (17)
To begin with, we shall take a look at the Mansai Jūgō Nikki. This diary was written by the monk Mansai (満済) of the Sanbōin of Daigoji temple (醍醐寺) (1378 – 1435), located just to the south of the capital. At the time Mansai was 42 years old. He served as a guardian and tutor to three generations of shogun to the Muromachi Bakufu, namely Yoshimitsu, Yoshimochi, and Yoshinori. In his later years he would assume responsibility for resolving matters of state, and would become known as the “Chancellor in Black” (黒衣の宰相). His diary, when compared to the Kanmon Nikki, is more curt and restrained in length and tone, yet without it we would have no way of knowing the type of secret information available to the Bakufu or possess such information in abundance. Hence the historical value of this diary is second to none in contributing to our understanding of the political history of the Muromachi Bakufu. (18)
On the 7th day of the 8th month, roughly one month after the events in Tsushima, a letter arrived at the Bakufu Gosho (御所) addressed to Mansai from Shoni Mitsusada (少弐満貞) of Kyushu detailing the incident. Mansai’s diary contains some rather surprising quotes taken from Mitsusada’s letter, the content of which deserves to be relayed in full; (18)
“A Mongol vanguard fleet of more than 500 ships made their way into the bays of Tsushima island. My vassal on the island, Sō Saemon, together with over 700 mounted warriors, rode out to meet them and engaged them in a number of battles. On the 26th day of the 6th month the fighting continued until sundown, whereupon the foreign soldiers were defeated. It is said that almost all of them were either killed or taken prisoner. Two of the foreign generals were captured, and from them we obtained a range of important information. According to the captured generals, the 500 or so vessels all belonged to the Kingdom of Korei. Some 20,000 or more Chinese vessels were meant to make landfall on Japanese soil on the 6th of the 6th month, but as a result of strong winds that appeared that day, the Chinese vessels were forced to retreat, whereupon they sank into the ocean. It appears that a number of unusual events took place during the conflict. The spirit of Sugawara no Michizane appeared, and I have heard that a number of miracles took place.” (18-19)
It is fairly obvious that by exaggerating the number of vessels sighted off the island, and referring to Saemon as being a “vassal”, Shōni Mitsusada was using this incident as a means to promote his own prowess. Furthermore, the fact that the army of Koreans was merely a vanguard, and that there was an armada of over 20,000 Chinese vessels behind them, all pointed towards this being a plan conceived by the “Mongols” to suppress Japan, despite the complete lack of evidence to reinforce such a view. The fact that the invasion fleet had been defeated by a combination of “strong winds” and the ghost of Sugawara no Michizane was little more than an exaggeration to reinforce the Kamakura era image of these “foreign pirates”. (19)
Memories of the Mongol Invasions
Nearly 150 years had passed since the Mongol Empire had twice attempted to invade Japan. What is more, the Yuan dynasty that had spurred the invasion had disappeared a half century before the events at Tsushima. Nonetheless, the news that arrived at the heart of the Muromachi Bakufu a month after the invasion had referred to it as an attack by the “Mongols”. For Mansai, who had received the news, he appeared to have been inclined to believe it in full. In his diary he recorded his thoughts, which were quite innocent in their praise…”Though much is unknown this cannot be ignored. I have heard that in shrines across the country, various miracles preceded these events. Is this not indeed wonderful?” (20)
It would not have been impossible for someone like Mansai to accept the content of the letter from the Shōni as the truth. At the time, reports were that a number of unusual “sightings” had been made at shrines throughout the capital. Mansai’s diary notes that on the 6th of the 6th month, “irregularities” had taken place at the Great Shrine at Izumo (出雲大社) and Kamo shrine (賀茂神社) in the capital. “Shaking” had been felt at the Nangū shrine in Mino province, while there had been landslides at Kibune shrine (貴船神社) in Kyoto, among other odd events. On the 2nd day of the 7th month, Mansai himself had prayed for the “defeat of the foreigners” (異国調伏). On the 19th day of the same month, Mansai heard of a young girl at the Atsuda shrine in Owari province becoming an oracle of the gods, all of whom had assembled from Ise and Hachiman shrines in front of Atsuda shrine in order to give notice on how to defend against the “coming of the foreigners”. (20)
Even since the attempted invasion by the Mongols during the Kamakura era, medieval society, when confronted with the possibility of war with foreign powers, restored lands that had previously belonged to shrines and rebuilt shrine buildings in order to encourage the gods to recover their divine power. The shrines at the time would insist on their “divinity” and “irregular occurrences” in order to win further concessions from both the Bakufu and the court, so much so that across the nation suddenly shrines were sending reports of “strange events” that had taken place within their grounds. For shrines, which had access to this information far earlier than any other entity, such events provided an opportunity for them to expand their authority. Hence by the time the letter from the Shōni arrived in Mansai’s hands, the streets of the capital were rife with unsettling news that the religious institutions were doing their best to either exaggerate or encourage. (21)
The very abruptness of the use of the name “Mongol” may seem somewhat out of place to us, however to the people at the time it was very much a relevant term. Nowadays we can easily refer to a timeline which will tell us that the Mongols attempted two invasions of Japan, one in Bunei 11 (文永十一年, or 1274) and another in Kōan 4 (弘安四年, or 1281), yet Kublai Khan was believed to have never abandoned plans for a third attempt at conquering Japan. In order to meet this potential threat, the Kamakura Bakufu embarked on a program to strengthen the coastal defences and maintained a strict vigilance with regard to foreign threats, a stance that lasted until the downfall of the Bakufu. Even after the disappearance of the Bakufu, rumours circulated within Japan from time to time of a Mongol attack on Japan. (21)
The establishment of the Muromachi Bakufu did not put an end to such rumours, for in the 5th month of the 1st year of Ōan (応安元年, or 1368), the Goku Maiki (後愚昧記) records just such a story. In the 3rd month of the 4th year of Bunan (文安四年, or 1447), the Kennai Ki (建内記) confirms yet another rumour of a Mongol attack. Even the Kamakura Kubō, located in the east of the country, feared a return of the Mongols. On the 3rd day of the 3rd month of every year, at Yuigahama in the town of Kamakura, a dog hunting festival was held in order to pray for an expulsion of the Mongols (蒙古退治の御祈禱). What this shows is that even for the people of the Muromachi era, the memory of the Mongols was still fresh. Even without the benefit of a timeline, the image of the Mongols had not vanished, and that there still existed a fear among the Japanese that the Mongols were merely waiting for an opportunity to launch another attack on Japan. (22)
Even now, the phrase “mukori kokuri – ムコリコクリ, which is derived from the Japanese words for Mongol, ‘Mōko’ (蒙古) and Korean, ‘Kokurei’ (高句麗)” refers to something whose true nature is unknown. This phrase, which originated in western Japan, is now used across the nation. In the novel “Black Rain” written by Ibuse Masuji, the people of Hiroshima, upon seeing the unusual mushroom cloud created by an atomic bomb, refer to it as the “mukori kokuri cloud”. Such was the trauma created by the Mongol invasions during the Kamakura era that its legacy echoed on down the ages in language that reflected such fear. (22)
RSS Feed